India Last Week #51
A round-up of research & reportage on India across climate, energy, foreign policy, politics & more over the last week
Climate, Energy & Environment -
“Today, Coal India Limited produces about 80% of the country’s coal. However, private coal mining operations have slowly expanded since economic liberalization in the 1990s, spurred by loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and associated reforms… In 2020, the Modi government opened the coal sector as a whole to commercial coal mining. The move was, at least in part, aimed at undoing a Supreme Court ruling that shook the entire Indian coal sector just a few years earlier… The Modi government also introduced the ‘mine developer and operator’ (MDO) model for the coal sector. Under this model, state-owned enterprises like Coal India Limited continue to own the coal mines while the development of the mine, including land acquisition processes and actually running the mining operations, are handed over to private entities… At present, the Adani group is the largest MDO in India. Other private businesses that have bagged MDO deals include Thriveni Sainik Mining Private Limited, which the state-owned power generation company National Thermal Power Corporation relies upon. Journalistic investigations have revealed how the Modi government worked in secret to favour Adani in coal deals.” Read more: Rishika Pardikar, Drilled.media
“At a quiet lab in the Jawaharlal Nehru Centre for Advanced Scientific Research (JNCASR) campus in Bengaluru, a new start-up is trying what few in India have – building a nuclear fusion prototype. Pranos — a blend of prana and cosmos — was founded in May 2024 by Roshan George and Shaurya Kaushal… The Co-founder shared that Pranos is developing a distinct approach to magnetic confinement, diverging from conventional designs. This alternative methodology allows for quicker iterations at a smaller scale and with significantly lower capital expenditure. “The business model is to sell the technology at the end. That’s the long-term vision. We have a few ideas of auxiliary technologies which we can commercialise and are actively working on it,” he said. The company has been in stealth mode for most of its first year, since the announcement in January 2025, working out of JNCASR and BITS Pilani. It has a core team of six members and six advisors. The early efforts are centered around design and simulation, supported by a team that includes computational engineers and physicists, as well as mechanical and electrical engineers… India already contributes to global fusion efforts — notably $2.2 billion to ITER, the international megaproject in France. However, few Indian start-ups are pursuing fusion directly. Globally, over 30 fusion start-ups exist, with the majority pursuing magnetic confinement.” Read more: Sanjana B, Businessline
“Heavy rains lashed Mumbai after the annual monsoon arrived in India’s financial capital nearly two weeks before schedule, according to weather forecasters. The downpours, which have brought relief from high temperatures and are welcomed by farmers for their crops, also wreak havoc in urban areas every year by flooding transport infrastructure. Typically, such monsoon rains are expected across the southwestern state of Maharashtra in early June. The Indian Meteorological Department (IMD) has warned of “extremely heavy rainfall” in Mumbai, while city authorities have issued a red alert in place until Tuesday… Across Maharashtra, regional IMD chief Shubhangi Bhute confirmed it was the earliest arrival of the monsoon in 14 years. South Asia has experienced rising temperatures in recent years, accompanied by shifting weather patterns, but scientists remain uncertain about the precise effect of global warming on the region’s highly complex monsoon system.” Read more: Al Jazeera
Economics -
“Manufacturing in India has one of the lowest firm exit rates in the world… The Industrial Disputes Act (IDA) makes it hard to fire workers for large plants (100 or more workers in the past and now 300 or more workers in some states) and covers Manufacturing, Mining, and Plantations… Many firms in India remain dormant (produce nothing, with or without workers) for a long time before they finally exit. It is well known that such exit delays, especially for distressed firms, cause a huge burden on banks… Our analysis has two parts. First, we provide both suggestive and causal evidence that exit barriers are very present and impose significant costs on firms in India. They reduce entry, misallocate resources, and create a long right tail in the age distribution of firms. These data patterns are novel and a contribution in themselves. In addition, we classify Indian states as high- or low-performance based on their entry shares… Second, we build and estimate a dynamic model of firm behaviour in the presence of exit costs. This framework allows us to see how exit barriers can interact with each other and how reducing them individually can have adverse effects, which can be avoided by doing so jointly.” Read more: Shoumitro Chatterjee, Kala Krishna, Kalyani Padmakumar and Yingyan Zhao, CEPR Discussion Paper
“Why did India’s net foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows plunge by 96 per cent last financial year? They were estimated at $0.35 billion in 2024-25, compared to $10.13 billion in the pervious year. That was not just a record drop in one year, but also the lowest level of net FDI inflows into the country in at least the last two decades. A quick analysis of the data reveals that there were two factors responsible for this sharp decline: A 16 per cent rise in repatriation and disinvestment by foreign investors in existing companies to $51.5 billion, and a 75 per cent jump in outward FDI by Indian companies to $29 billion… Growth in gross FDI inflows was not dampened even during the Covid pandemic years. If there was a deceleration, it was during the post-pandemic years of 2022-23 and 2023-24 - a trend that was slightly reversed last year. But largely unnoticed by most observers of the economy, the amount of repatriation and outward FDI flows has been rising rapidly since the post-Covid years… It is heartening to see India Inc going global with higher investments in different countries… But it must also be a cause for concern if India Inc shows no similar enthusiasm for domestic investment. The government must find out what constrains Indian companies from exploring the domestic market for investment with the same zeal as they are showing with regard to outward FDI.” Read more: A. K. Bhattacharya, Business Standard
“Given India’s ambitious targets for economic expansion and social welfare improvements, the composition and effectiveness of its capex framework are crucial for both public service delivery and private sector competitiveness… The paper analyses capex trends at both the central and state levels. Since 2000, the reported capex has surged from approximately 2% to nearly 8% of GDP. As this paper explains, this is an overestimation primarily due to the inclusion of financial assets, such as loans and equity, in the calculation of capex. These practices are inconsistent with both India’s official definitions of capex and international standards, underscoring the need for improved transparency and alignment… A significant trend in recent budgets has been the rise in loans and advances to state governments, recently driven by the Scheme for Special Assistance to States for Capital Investment, launched in 2022. These loans, often interest-free, aim to incentivise state-level infrastructure investments. However, their effectiveness and timing in tangible asset creation at the state level remains uncertain due to variations in states’ fiscal capacities, implementation capabilities, and the diversion of funds for other purposes, such as loan repayment.” Read more: Anoop Singh, Radha Malani, and Shruti Gupta, Indian Public Policy Review
Foreign Policy & Security -
“The move to send multi-party delegations abroad comes amid calls from opposition parties for a special session in parliament. Opposition members have highlighted that “foreign governments will be briefed while India’s own parliament and people remain in the dark”… A look at significant global diplomatic outreach efforts by previous governments shows that in the aftermath of the 26/11 Mumbai terror attack, the parliament attack in 2001, and even the multi-party delegation sent to the UNHRC in 1994 following increasing violence in Kashmir – unanimous resolutions were passed in the parliament… As the first batch of the seven all-party delegations left on Wednesday, opposition parties said that it was “unacceptable” that foreign governments would be briefed while India’s parliament and people will remain in the dark… While the government has convened two separate all-party meetings – one after the Pahalgam attack, and the other after Operation Sindoor – Prime minister Modi did not attend either. He did make a statement following the Pahalgam terror attack, but it was at a rally in Bihar.” Read more: Sravasti Dasgupta, The Wire
“Global makers of surveillance gear have clashed with Indian regulators in recent weeks over contentious new security rules that require manufacturers of CCTV cameras to submit hardware, software and source code for assessment in government labs, official documents and company emails show. The security-testing policy has sparked industry warnings of supply disruptions and added to a string of disputes between Prime Minister Narendra Modi's administration and foreign companies over regulatory issues and what some perceive as protectionism. New Delhi's approach is driven in part by its alarm about China's sophisticated surveillance capabilities, according to a top Indian official involved in the policymaking. In 2021, Modi's then-junior IT minister told parliament that 1 million cameras in government institutions were from Chinese companies and there were vulnerabilities with video data transferred to servers abroad… Indian officials met on April 3 with executives of 17 foreign and domestic makers of surveillance gear, including Hanwha, Motorola, Bosch, Honeywell and Xiaomi, where many of the manufacturers said they weren't ready to meet the certification rules and lobbied unsuccessfully for a delay, according to the official minutes.” Read more: Aditya Kalra, Reuters
“Operation Sindoor has inaugurated a new and uncomfortable chapter in the India-US relationship. That is because of Donald Trump’s hubris. It is also because India’s diplomatic assumptions about Trump didn’t pan out, and its diplomatic management of Trump showed gaps… Five features of Trump’s repeated statements stand out. He has insisted that US mediation brought about the ceasefire. He has hinted that the conflict was on the verge of going nuclear. He has bragged that he used trade as a lever to force both sides to stop firing. He has claimed that India and Pakistan have been fighting for 1,000, even 1,500, years. And he has equated India and Pakistan, and India and Pakistan’s prime ministers (PMs) while positioning himself as the peacemaker. India has, of course, rejected all of Trump’s claims, politely… Indeed, India has often succeeded in diplomatically managing Trump by avoiding the bait, absorbing barbs quietly, while negotiating in private and keeping an eye on the big picture dictated by national interest. But what’s different this time is that Trump has violated Indian diplomatic red lines and may have publicly and politically harmed PM Narendra Modi. To the PM’s base, it appears that American pressure forced the government to backtrack and, therefore, miss what, to their mind, was a sure and decisive victory.” Read more: Prashant Jha, Hindustan Times
“Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri and Deputy National Security Adviser Pavan Kapoor will visit Washington this week for meetings with the U.S. government amid a strain in ties over President Donald Trump’s remarks about mediating a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar doubled down in an interview denying Mr. Trump’s remarks on Monday (May 26, 2025), saying India and Pakistan had negotiated the ceasefire through “direct contact” alone, and they were “very, very far away” from a nuclear conflict. The visits by the officials, which will precede a nine-member delegation visit of parliamentarians to Washington from June 3-6, are expected to clear the air on a number of issues arising from Operation Sindoor, to state India’s stand on terrorism emanating from Pakistan, and also to take bilateral ties forward, according to informed sources… In addition, the officials are expected to press the U.S. government about filling key posts in the administration, including for the U.S. Ambassador to India, and those in the State Department and Department of Defence meant to deal with India relations, which have been lying vacant since January and are seen as a source of the communication lapses between Delhi and Washington. Mr. Misri, who left for the U.S. on Monday (May 26, 2025) night, will be in the U.S. from May 27-29 and will meet “senior officials” of the U.S. administration, the Ministry of External Affairs said in a statement.” Read more: Suhasini Haidar, The Hindu
People & Politics -
“A court Monday pulled up the Delhi Police for an “inadequate” investigation in a case lodged against Law and Justice Minister and BJP leader Kapil Mishra under the Representation of the People Act (RPA), accusing him of promoting communal enmity. The case, lodged under Section 125 (promoting enmity between classes in connection with election) of the RPA, pertains to allegations that Mishra made objectionable statements in the electronic media in 2020, like “Delhi mein chhote chhote Pakistan bane (there are mini Pakistans in Delhi)” and “Shaheen Bagh mein Pak ki entry (Pakistan has entered Shaheen Bagh)”. The case also pertained to a social media post by Mishra that there will be an “India vs Pakistan” contest on the “streets of Delhi” on February 8, the day of the elections in 2020.” Read more: Nirbhay Thakur, Indian Express
“The Supreme Court’s order in Ali Khan Mahmudabad vs State of Haryana does a lot of things. It refuses Mahmudabad’s request that the FIRs against him – registered in response to a Facebook post about Operation Sindoor– be stayed. It grants Mahmudabad interim bail so that he can “facilitate the ongoing investigation” (against himself). It directs the constitution of a three-member Special Investigation Team [“SIT”] of police officers to further investigate his Facebook post(s). It gags Mahmudabad from expressing any opinion on the recent India-Pakistan conflict. It confiscates his passport. One might expect that such a far-reaching order – that effaces two Article 19 rights (freedom of expression and freedom of movement) – would be supported by equally strong reasoning… I must therefore respectfully suggest that the Supreme Court’s order may not be entirely correct in law. The reasons for the constitution of the SIT are puzzling. The gag order is outside the Court’s jurisdiction. The confiscation of the passport appears excessive. In the meantime, it is reported that Mahmudabad’s laptop has been confiscated, and one therefore hopes that the Court’s order does not become an excuse for a roving and fishing enquiry by the police, going beyond the remit of the FIR.” Read more: Gautam Bhatia, Constitutional Law and Philosophy
“The Supreme Court on Monday said it’s difficult to believe that the technical bids of Larsen and Toubro (L&T) Ltd — which was selected for the execution of the Central Vista Project — for the Rs 6,000 crore (approx) Mumbai Elevated Road Project and Rs 8,000 crore (approx) Road Tunnel Project were rejected and asked Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA) whether it was willing to re-tender, failing which, the court warned, it would stay the process… The bench, also comprising Justice A G Masih, was hearing appeals filed by L&T, challenging the two May 20 Bombay High Court orders upholding MMRDA’s stand that the reasons for the rejection of the technical bids need not be communicated to L&T before the projects are awarded. The principal ground of L&T’s challenge is that it was technically disqualified from the process without any intimation or reasons. It contended that the arbitrary and non-transparent manner of carrying out the tender process has resulted in declaration of the L1 bid for both projects to Megha Engineering & Infrastructure Ltd at a substantially higher project cost. The company claimed that compared to the L1 bidder, its price bid was approximately Rs 2,521 crore less in the Road Tunnel Project and Rs 609 crore less in the elevated road project.” Read more: Ananthakrishnan G, Indian Express
Tech -
“YouTube channels in India complained over the last week that the newswire agency Asian News International (ANI) was “threatening” to issue copyright complaints against them for using footage published by them without licensing arrangements. ANI and newswire agencies engage in newsgathering, photography and videography alongside journalists from other publications, and syndicate their reporting to others for a fee. The agency had made demands for damages and licence fees toward the use of its content from YouTubers who used its footage without paying a licence fee. To drop demands for damages, the newswire agency has reportedly demanded upwards of ₹48 lakh plus GST for an annual licence, a demand that YouTubers such as Mohak Mangal contested… YouTubers such as Mr. Mangal, whose video on his experience receiving such a demand got 4 million views in two days, said that the footage his channel used was very brief, and amounted to “fair use”. Fair use refers to the use of copyrighted materials in a way that does not amount to an actionable infringement in the copyright framework.” Read more: The Hindu
“After Aadhar-based digital identification and UPI-based digital payments, the Centre is now set to embark on bringing the ‘digital address’ into India’s Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) matrix. At the centre of the move is recognising “address information management” as “core public infrastructure” which is currently an unregulated space in India, despite increasing digitalisation… Steered by the Department of Posts and closely tracked by the Prime Minister’s Office, the draft ‘digital address’ framework, complete with “addressing standards” will be put out for stakeholder discussion within a week and acquire a firm structure by year end, ET has learnt. Already on fast track, a legislative route may also be considered by the winter session of the Parliament to enable the setting up of a digital address-DPI authority/mechanism for implementing the new address ecosystem with a regulatory oversight, it is gathered.” Read more: Anubhuti Vishnoi, Economic Times
“Even those who closely followed the recent nightly air battles between India and Pakistan might have missed some of the most earth-shattering developments. They may not know that the Indian navy launched strikes on Karachi’s port; that India’s army crossed the international border; that Pakistan’s prime minister fled to a bunker; that its army chief was deposed in a coup. These events were nowhere to be found in India’s newspapers or even in supposedly reliable Western journals. Why? Because none of these things happened. That did not stop Indian broadcast news from reporting each confection as fact, while sirens blared and animated fighter jets zoomed in the background… Indian tv news long ago relinquished membership of the reality-based community. Night after night presenters praise the government and the prime minister, heap scorn upon the opposition, disparage minorities and foreigners, and insult on-air guests who dare utter an errant word… Yet as Manisha Pande, a media critic, puts it, “If you’re claiming to be a nationalist news channel at least serve the national interest.”… On the home front, tv news did a disservice to its own audience. Disinformation about drone swarms and mass suicide attacks was amplified rather than squashed. Border communities—which bore the brunt of blackouts and drone attacks—were left groping for facts. The rest of the country was less vulnerable to bombs, but not to lies.” Read more: The Economist
Bonus -
“All twenty-eight states in India maintain their own archives while there is one national archive in the capital city, New Delhi. In the case of Uttar Pradesh, the state government maintains archives in four cities: Lucknow, Allahabad, Varanasi and Agra. In general, Indian state archives are easier to access than the national archive or private archives… When I arrived at the location, I found the archivist waiting at the campus gate to receive me. I discovered that I had walked past the archives a few hours before during my initial search but did not realize it was hidden behind a school campus. I located a small, battered sign outside the school campus, but it was not sufficient to indicate the presence of the archives… At the Allahabad archive, I also found lists of donors to schools including the amount of donations they made and to which schools. Finally, while government circulars about education policies were readily available in the New Delhi and Lucknow archives, in Allahabad I found the responses from smaller regions and princely rulers to those circulars.” Read more: Nainika Dinesh, Contingent Magazine
Watch/listen -
How This India-Pakistan Conflict Will Shape the Next One | Joshua White in conversation with Milan Vaishnav | The Grand Tamasha podcast | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace